Health Care Reform Is Coming. Don’t Panic.

The legislative process is like Kabuki Theater. Very stylized. Clear-cut characters. Starts off slow, proceeds through several acts, ends fast and furious. The Congressional tussle over health care reform is no exception. We have the champions of the left and right pounding across the stage, striking poses, shouting out their predictable lines, scaring the bejeebies (whatever they are) out of the audience (otherwise known as constituents) and generally creating high drama. This is important work as it gives the 24 hour news stations something to talk about and this, in turn, keeps the commercials from running together in an endless loop of paid messages for help fighting the IRS, encouragement to ask your doctor about the benefits of an unhealthy number of medications, easy ways to get low cost loans and willing buyers of your excess gold jewelry.

At the same time we have numerous audience members who are quickly losing whatever bejeebies they might possess. If you are among the 470,000 Americans employed by the health insurance industry, for instance or among the tens of thousands of health insurance brokers in this country, you might feel like people are out to get you. Good catch because people are out to get you. Don’t feel too bad, though, you’re not alone. They’re also out to get doctors, hospitals, pharmaceutical companies and a host of others. 

Every health care reform idea on the table is scary to someone. Government-run plans, exchanges, mandates to sell coverage, mandates to buy coverage, taxes, cost containment. The list of proposals go on endlessly. Everybody with a stake in health care (which is everybody) has something to lose from some these reforms and someone is out there working hard to make sure these stakeholders lose it. In the health care reform everyone is an archer and everyone is a target.

So as someone with a stake in the system, but who has also spent more time than sane people should involved in politics and the legislative process, I would like to offer some simple advice to my fellow targets:

         Don’t Panic.

Don’t get comfortable, but don’t panic.

The good news is the health care reform most likely to emerge from Congress will be far more moderate than the proposals whipping around the Capital hallways today imply. This is theater — and it’s politics. Everyone in Washington is busy staking out negotiating positions, trying to score points, and auditioning for an appearance on CNN, Fox or MSNBC. Which means what they say matters, but not as much as they’d like to think it does.

In negotiations you expect to compromise so you start off asking for more than you expect to get. Every eight year old discussing bed time knows this. So do politicians. What we’re seeing at this point is primarily Democrats and Republicans anchoring their positions. In Kabuki Theater, actors will strike stances that identify their role in the story. In Congressional theater, this role is played by lawmakers. 

Which leads us to the effort of scoring points. Nothing revs up the base like lambasting opponents. The number of people who make a living by keeping a significant portion of the American population seething is significant and appalling. These people (and I use the term loosely) paint the world in terms of good and evil, black and white, us and them. Anyone who disagrees with “us” is a traitor, a fool, a liar or all of the above. They care less about moving the country forward than in adding to their power or their bank account. (Have you ever noticed how often their diatribes are followed by an appeal for cash or an advertisement?) These blowhards replace bombast for thought. They have honed the cheap shot and the stiletto implication into art forms. Fortunately there’s a cozy spot in Hell reserved for them where they’ll have to listen to themselves blather for eternity. Until then, we’re the ones stuck in their noisy hurricanes of malicious hot air. 

The subset of these sub-humans who hold public office will be especially prominent during this portion of the legislative process. Ignore them. Like the extreme positions taken by negotiators, the extreme rhetoric spouting from these Katrinas of politics are designed to rile you up, get your money and generate news clippings, not educate or move the debate forward.

The real action on health care reform is taking place in the nooks and crannies of Washington where moderates dwell. For example, keep your eye on the Senate Finance Committee. They seem to be trying to find solutions the nation can afford and that might actually work. Track the movements of moderates in the Senate, too. Senators Olympia Snow and Susan Collins are the two trendsetters on the amazing-shrinking-group of GOP moderates. On the Democratic side of the Senate moderates gather weekly in a self-described  Working Group. (Insert your own snide comment here).

The fact is, in Washington moderates win. The system is designed this way. It may not seem like it, but that’s the way it usually goes. This is the point articulately made by Jay Cost in his HorseRaceBlog over at RealClearPolitics.com. In two postings (Part 1 and Part 2) he lays out the pivot points in the legislative process and applies them specifically to the current health care reform debate. (My thanks to John Nelson for sending these my way). What he shows is that the true partisans are merely the fodder necessary to get to the number of votes needed to turn legislation into law. These pivot points vary depending on the political context.

Need to overcome a filibuster? The most powerful Senator is not the true believers who immediately vote yes or no, but the Senator who represents the 60th vote for cloture. Only that Senator can move the bill forward. The rest simply set the stage. When it comes to health care reform, watch the moderates. They are the key actors in this play because it is from among their group, along with critical  negotiators like Senators Max Baucus and Charles Grassley, from which the decisive votes will come. 

With 17 votes (maybe 18 now that Senator Arlen Specter is a Democrat) the moderate Democrats in the Senate will determine the final shape of healthcare reform. They are the ones the partisans on both sides are already seeking to persuade or, failing that, threaten (good news for television and radio stations in their states looking to sell advertising time). If these partisans are serious about passing something, however, that something will need to earn the votes of these moderates. Keep in mind, Democrats have a large majority in both chambers of Congress, but they got it by appealing broadly to the electorate. Democrats rarely are genetically incapable of group thought even when there’s just a few of them. Put 60 into one room (say, the floor of the Senate) and the chances of agreement on anything controversial is reduced to a theoretical nil.

What all this means is that the partisan posturing of the current debate is simply sound and fury signifying the hopes and aspirations of sincere partisans and cynical pot stirrers (which is which is sometimes hard to tell, but there is a difference — only the latter are despicable). Eventually the play will reach its final act. At this point the moderates take center stage and with their arrival the odds of disappointed extremists on both sides  increases(disappointing extremists is, after all, what moderates d0).

This doesn’t mean they will come up with the perfect health care reform plan. If you care about the issue you need to make your voice heard. Moderates are capable of making bad policy — and whether the truck that runs you over is driven by a true partisan or a moderate doesn’t really matter, it still hurts. Moderates are more likely, however to produce reforms that are closer to something reasonable than might seem possible appear today.

In the meantime, let the loud and boisterous actors strike their poses. It’s all part of the play.

Phishing for Brokers

This blog focuses on health care reform. But it’s also read by a lot of agents around the country, many of whom are in California. In light of a very unusual warning issued by California Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner I thought it appropriate to borrow the blog for one post to spread the word.

According to the Commissioner, scam artists are calling licensed insurance agencies representing themselves as DOI personnel. Claiming the agents’ licenses are about to expire, they request credit card and other information in order to expedite payment of a penalty fee. They are not DOI personnel and no penalty is due.  They are simply thieves who take the money and sell or misuse the credit card information. Producers receiving this call should immediately contact your local law enforcement agency.

According to Molly DeFrank, Deputy Press Secretary at the California Department of Insurance’s Communications Office, the scam first came to light on May 29th. At least three brokers are known to have fallen victim to the scam, but there may be others.

Brokers in other states should be careful as well. It is unlikely this scam is solely a California broker problem. And as the California DOI’s warning is disseminated, the thieves are likely to look for easier (meaning, less informed) victims.

And now back to our regularly scheduled blog.

Health Insurance Brokers to the GOP: “Et Tu?”

Health insurance brokers are appropriately worried about the impact health care reform will have on their livelihood. That’s human nature. Politics is about the management of self-interest. When it comes to health care reform, the list of concerned onlookers is long. Patients, doctors, hospitals, carriers, government bureaucrats, health insurance agents, employers, lawyers, dentists, chiropractors, pharmaceuticalfirms and, well, you get the idea.  Anymeaningful change is going to require sacrifice by most all of these stakeholders. 

When it comes to balancing all these competing interests, the partisan nature of American politics usually comes into play. Public policy flowing from the Democratic party tends to benefit some at the expense of others. The same holds true with the Republican party.

Health insurance brokers, for example, tend to rely on the GOP to promote policies supportive of their profession. One reason for this connection is political. I’ve no empirical data, but long experience in working with health insurance brokers leads me to believe that the majority vote Republican. Another reason, however, is ideological. Republicans tend to support market-based health care reform solutions  and brokers are integral to making the market work. Brokers take competing health plans and interpret them to their prospects and clients. One method they use is to take the different explanations of benefits used by different competitors and put them into a consistent template. They serve as consumer’s advisers and, when needed, their advocates to assure they get full value from their health plans.

As President Barack Obama’s Administration works with the Democratic majority in Congress to fashion health care reform, many brokers are relying on Republicans in Congress to stand firm against a public plan (which most brokers believe would eventually drive private plans out of existence — and take brokers down the drain with them). And they are trusting Republicans will make the case for the value brokers add to the system.

This trust may be misplaced.

Last week four leading Republicans put forward “The Patients’ Choice Act.” The Act is their call to action for fixing what they refer to as America’s broken health care system while at the same time seeking to preserve much of the current market driven arrangement. The authors of the proposal, Senators Tom Coburn and Richard Burr and by Congressmen Paul Ryan and Devin Nunes, are leading voices within their party on health care reform. It’s not clear whether the Patients’ Choice Act is the official position of the Republican caucuses in Congress, but no other proposal has been forth by the GOP. And the media is certainly treating it as the “Republican health care reform plan.”

Not suprisingly, the GOP lawmakers explicitly reject a public health program. Indeed, while acknowledging other factors leading to runaway costs (new technology, an aging population) their document proclaims the primary reason America’s health care system fails so many patients is “government intervention.”

Nonetheless, there are several elements of the Patients’ Choice Act which occupy common ground with Democrats (more on these in a future post). Some of what’s in The Patients’ Choice Act summary is, suprising and even amusing. For example, Republicans have taken to accusing Democrats of seeking to move America to “European-style socialism.” Yet, in justifying some of their ideas the sponsors of the Act turn to similar programs working in — wait for it — Europe.

Some elements of the reform package are just foolish. For example, under the Patients’ Choice Act carriers to accept all applicants regardless of their health condition (often referred to as “guarantee issue”). However, explicitly reject requiring individuals to obtain coverage stating that “if individuals do not want health insurance, they will not be forced to have it.” In fact, they go so far as to suggest that individuals be able to purchase coverage at any time “through places of employment, emergency rooms, the DMV, etc.”

In taking this position it appears the the Republicans have adopted the greatest flaw in then candidate-Obama’s health care reform plan – and made it worse. Why would anyone purchase coverage before they need it? Any reasonable person would wait until they’re on their way to the doctor, stop by the DMV and purchase coverage. In case of an accident, all they would need to do is go to the emergency room (the most expensive place to receive care), sign up at the receiving desk and enter the facility as a fully insured patient. As soon as they’ve recovered, it would be safe to drop the coverage.

(I find it hard to believe the Republicans are taking such a naive view of insurance. And, to be fair, the Patients’ Choice Act is somewhat lacking in details. However, what I’ve described comes from the Republican lawmakers’ own document. If they are creating safeguards to prevent such gaming of the system, there’s no evidence of it yet.)

As with any health care reform proposal, there’s elements to like and to dislike in the the Patients’ Choice Act. What will be most troubling for brokers, however, is the GOP’s call for creating state-based exchanges. The benefits of such exchanges includes a “one-stop marketplace for health insurance. Individuals would get a hassle-free opportunity to choose the plan that best meets their needs through an Exchange.” Most brokers believe that’s their role in the current system. To have Republicans propose a state agency to take on this responsibility is disconcerting at best; a betrayal at worst.

Then there’s the “auto-enrollment” feature touted by the Republicans allowing individuals to obtain health insurance at the DMV and other locations. Apparently the GOP sees little value in having consumers work with licensed, regulated agents and brokers, not when there’s a clerk at the DMV available.

To be fair, the Republicans are not explicitly excluding brokers from their version of a new health care system. In fact, they are expected to remain a part of the system. In the GOP’s “Patients’ Choice Act Q&As they write, “Whether an individual uses an insurance broker, an internet [sic] comparison page, or calls a toll free number, individuals are provided the information needed to choose a plan tailored to their individuals [sic] needs.” This basically equates the knowledge, skills and expertise of  independent brokers to what can be delivered by an Internet site or a customer service rep at the state Exchange. How comforting.  Perhaps they are relying on the Exchange to standardize health insurance so much that professional guidance is no longer required. Although if coverage is that standardized, then perhaps calling their proposal the Patients’ Choice Act might be somewhat misleading.

The National Association of Health Underwriters, the primary professional organization for health insurance brokers, is working hard to educate lawmakers concerning the value independent brokers add to the system — value which should be preserved in whatever reform package emerges from Washington.  To the extent the Patients’ Choice Act represents Republican thinking on health care reform, relying on the GOP as an ally in this effort could be a painful path to disappointment.

Health Care Reform: The Power of Stories

Facts are facts. Logic is logic. When it comes to health care reform, both are critical, vital elements of informed decision making. At the end of the day, however, facts are only facts and logic is only logic. What moves people are emotions and empathy. And what elicits emotions and empathy are stories. Stories are what enables people to connect data and logic with real, meaningful situations and they are what drives people to take action.

Chip and Dan Heath make this point in their book Made to Stick: Why Some Ideas Survive and Others Die. They point out that “stories have the amazing dual power to simulate and to inspire.”  By simulate they mean to describe reality and, consequently, convey knowledge.

Politicians understand this. So do successful sales people. A white paper is a great way to set forth a policy. A brochure may be just the ticket for describing an item. But it’s the stories that politicians and sales people use that connects those facts to people in a way the moves them to act.  President Ronald Reagan was a master of this. His reputation as the Great Communicator rests in large part on his ability to shape stories that inspired and moved his audiences. President Barack Obama shares this gift.

So it’s not surprising that President Obama is soliciting stories to post on his Organizing for Health Care site (which is a part of his grass roots organization, Organizing for America). It’s part of his effort to build grass roots support for his health care reform initiative. The email went to supporters of his campaign and others who have signed up at Organizing for America. It reads, in part: “As we know, challenging the status quo will not be easy. Its defenders will claim our goals are too big, that we should once again settle for half measures and empty talk. Left unanswered, these voices of doubt might yet again derail the comprehensive reform we so badly need. That’s where you come in.” It then asks his supporters to share “your personal story about the importance of health care reform in your life, and the lives of those you love.”

President Obama promises to personally read some of the stories submitted and he clearly intends to make use of them in the coming fight over health care reform. As he notes, “I know personal stories can drive that change, because I know how my mother’s experience continues to drive me. She passed away from ovarian cancer a little over a decade ago. And in the last weeks of her life, when she was coming to grips with her own mortality and showing extraordinary courage just to get through each day, she was spending too much time worrying about whether her health insurance would cover her bills. She deserved better. Every American deserves better. And that’s why I will not rest until the dream of health care reform is finally achieved in the United States of America.”

Facts and logic will play a major role in health care reform. But what ultimately will carry the day are stories like those of the President and his mother. Which is why others are also gathering stories.

As I mentioned in a previous post, the value professional, independent brokers add to the health care system is too often overlooked. The National Association of Health Underwriters, the nation’s largest organization of health insurance brokers and related professionals, is working hard to change that. In addition to attending endless meetings and submitting volumes of testimony and comments to Congress, NAHU is very appropriately gathering stories.

NAHU has created a web site, Brokers Making a Difference, to house the stories it has gathered. And more are coming in from NAHU members and the clients they serve. They tell stories of brokers going the extra mile for their clients when they needed help the most, after a serious illness or accident. They tell of brokers doing the straightforward work of being a counselor and advocate, helping their clients to find affordable health care coverage that meets their unique situation. They tell of brokers going beyond the call of duty and of those fulfilling their responsibilities as professionals.

For brokers these stories are critical. It’s one thing to talk about helping individuals or businesses through the health insurance maze. It’s another, altogether more powerful thing, to describe what that means in action. Stories of coming to the hospital to help a new mother whose baby was undergoing surgery to provide comfort, support, and, as important, assistance in dealing with the paper work have an impact. Stories of bringing together hospital and carrier administrators to get their clients out of the waiting room and into surgery have impact.

Brokers play a critical role in helping people maneuver through the health care system in this country. Health care reform is likely to become a reality this year. The stories President Obama is gathering will help see to that. It is the stories being collected by NAHU that will help assure brokers are able to continue to help their clients in whatever changed system emerges.

Health Care Reform And The Value of Brokers

There are a lot of stakeholders in the health care reform debate. Patients. Doctors, hospitals and other providers. Insurers. Employers. And  so on. One often overlooked group with a great deal at stake in the current reform effort are health insurance brokers, especially those whose practices focus in the individual and small employer market segments. Today they provide some of the services expected of an exchange, helping to translate benefit plans into understandable options. Professional brokers go further, helping health care coverage shoppers find the plans that best fit their unique needs and then assisting them in gaining the benefits they’ve paid for.

The bad news is the media all but ignores the role of agents in the system. They focus on how confusing health care coverage can be (and it certainly can be opaque) and how consumers are at a disadvantage when dealing with their insurers (and they are) without once mentioning the counselors and advocates available to them: professional brokers. (Note added 5/9/09: An Associated Press article published today proves the point: it looked at the positions of the “10 groups with the mostinfluence, or most at stake, in the health debate…” Health insurance brokers were not mentioned.)

The good news is that lawmakers involved in drafting health care reform legislation are aware of brokers and what we do. They’ve sought out the National Association of Health Underwriters (the primary professional organization representing health insurance brokers) for testimony and input.

A seat at the table is great, but eventually brokers needs to justify their value to the system to those who live and work beyond the Beltway. If the media and public are unaware of what brokers do lawmakers can ignore agents with impunity. Which is why NAHU is launching a grassroots campaign to educate decision makers and opinion leaders to show why brokers “can’t be replaced by a government-run call center.”  Core to this intitiative is a white paper focused on the value of licensed producers. Titled “Americans Deserve Access to Professionally Licensed and Trained Health Insurance Agents, Brokers and Consultants,” the report describes the various services producers provide to consumers and how they compare to alternatives such as government call centers.

The challenge facing brokers is that we are, at the end of the day, overhead. We don’t heal the sick. We don’t deliver medication. But that doesn’t mean professional producers aren’t valuable. Whether health care in America is managed by private enterprises or government agencies, there’s more to health care than stethoscopes and MRIs.

The NAHU white paper does an excellent job of laying out the important role producers play in helping Americans get the most out of their health care coverage. For instance, it cites a study by the Center for Studying Health System Change that noted “In contrast to the notion that brokers merely make insurance more costly, these findings suggest brokers can provide important benefits to small employers, plans and policy makers.”

This sentiment is echoed by the Congressional Budget Office, cited in the NAHU report, which concluded that, especially in the individual and small group market segments, producers “handle the responsibilities that larger firms generally delegate to their human resources departments — such as finding plans and negotiating premiums, providing information about the selected plans, and processing enrollees.” In fact, the CBO recommends that “because many small firms and individuals may find brokers’ services valuable, policymakers might consider allowing such services to be used in conjunction with [a buy-in option to FEHBP].”

Too often those policymakers look at health care too narrowly. The technology sector shows how misguided this can be. In his book Marketing High Technology, venture capitalist William Davidow describes the difference between a “device” and a “product.”  A device, in an IT context, is a piece of code or some hardware. It’s what is invented in the laboratory. Products, however, goes beyond that. “A product is the totality of what a customer buys,” writes Mr. Davidow. “It is the … service from which the customer gets direct utility plus a number of other factors, services , or perceptions, which makes the product useful …” (emphasis added).

Medical care is obviously the core service (the equivalent of the “device”) when it comes to health care. Staying healthy or getting well is the ultimate goal. But the health care system is about far more than what happens in the doctors office or a hospital. It’s the development of new medications and devices, it’s healthy living education, and it’s the expertise provided by professional health insurance agents, brokers and consultants.

Health care reform is coming. That’s a good thing. In shaping what that reform accomplishes, lawmakers would do well to look at the system holistically — as a product, not just a device. That includes, as the NAHU white paper shows, acknowledging and preserving the value brokers provide to their clients.

Baucus Health Care Reform Plan an Interesting Start

Comprehensive national health care reform is coming. The only question is when and what wil it look like. There will be many reform plans put forward during this process. Some will have more substance than others. Some will be more credible than others. Some may even be practical. And a few might make America’s health care system better, not worse, than it is today.

One thing we know pretty much for certain is that a true single payer system is not coming any time soon. President-elect Barack Obama made comprehensive health care reform a central theme to his campaign. it clear throughout his campaign that he saw an important role for the private sector in the country’s future health care system. The Democratic National Platform made this approach explicit. (Irrelevant factoid: this post could well be the one and only time you ever read anyone referring to a party platform — until 2012).

What’s less certain is whether health care reform will be taken up by the Obama White House and/or Congress in the first few months of the new Administration. There are certainly a lot of influential lawmakers seeking to make health care reform an initial priority, including Senator Max Baucus, Chair of the Senate Finance Committee, and Senator Ted Kennedy, Chair of the Senate’s Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee. There’s more already entered in this particular derby and many more to come.

Senator Baucus’ health care reform plan is interesting for several reasons. First, any reform package will need to pass through his Finance Committee. Whether it’s his bill or another’s, Senator Baucus will have the ability to influence the final package. Understanding his starting point, consequently, takes on special significance.

Second, Senator Baucus’ plan, which he notes is not intended to be a legislative proposal, but rather a blueprint describing his vision for health care reform, devotes considerable attention to the need to reduce the underlying cost of medical care at great length. Even his discussion of wellness, preventive care, transparency, and reducing waste — standard components of any credible reform plan — goes well beyond the normal discussion. Most significantly, he goes beyond the low hanging fruit to address more controversial approaches. For example, he calls for financial incentives for primary care providers in the Medicare system and suggests funding them by reducing payments to specialists. He also endorses using medicare to test other primary care models especially those that “promote comprehensive care management and coordination, particularly for the chronically ill.”

Third, while the market reforms included in Senator Baucus’ plan should be no surprise to anyone who listened to Senator Obama during the presidential campaign, it does provide more specificity than was offered during the election. So while it contains the expected laundry list of proposals (tax credits, guarantee issue, etc.) it’s the additional details he provides that are significant.

For example, most insurance agents who read this blog will want to know what role, if any, they will have in the government-run Health Insurance Exchange Senator Baucus would create to compete with private sector offerings. A hint is all he provides, but it’s an encouraging one. In the discussion of the proposed purchasing pool, the document states “Plans participating in the Exchange would be subject to oversight by states with regard to consumer protections (e.g., grievance procedures, external review, oversight of agent practices and training, market conduct). ” italics added.

States are to regulate agent practices in connection with the pool. That must mean Senator Baucus envisions some role for agents in connection with the pool. As noted, it’s only a hint, but it’s a welcome one.

During the debate over Assembly Bill X1-1 earlier this year, carriers and agents were able to insert language in the legislation to allow, but not require, agents to sell products offered through the purchasing pool it would have created. Whether agents can educate lawmakers at the national level that the services we provide are worth including and protecting in whatever reforms eventually emerge will be challenging. But it appears Senator Baucus, at least, is open to the idea. And the experience agents have gained in California and elsewhere should aid in this effort.

No one, not even Senator Baucus, assumes his blueprint will be adopted as is. There will be a long and contentious health care reform debate before any kind of consensus emerges. Senator Baucus’ proposal is an important contribution to the stew of ideas that is simmering in the nation’s Capital. It’s an interesting start. But only a start.

SB 1522: Political Judgment versus the Wisdom of Crowds

I guess the theory is that regulators know perfection when they see it. And have the wisdom and detachment from mundane concerns like politics and pressure to deliver it. At least that seems to be the thinking behind Senate Bill 1522.

Under this legislation, introduced by Senator Darrell Steinberg, California regulators would establish five classes of individual health plans. The bill requires these categories to would gracefully arc from low cost (and, presumably, lower benefit) plans to higher cost (and higher benefit) offerings. All medical plans would need to fit into the five defined categories.

Supporters claim this approach will allow consumers to make apple-to-apple comparisons among plans. Todays market, they argue, is too confusing. Consumers are hard pressed to select from the dozens of options before them which one suits their needs the best. (As discussed below, they never seem to mention the availability of professional agents to help consumers make these choices — that would undermine the need for this particular solution).

Supporters are also concerned about risk segmentation. Their concern is that healthier individuals gravitate to lower cost plans and their less healthy neighbors rush to buy richer benefits at a higher cost. As a result, those high end plans get more expensive more quickly.

The arguments in favor of SB 1522 are not without merit. But that doesn’t mean the bill deserves passage — at least not in its current form.

The trade-off for simplifying the market is eradicating choice. If all medical plans have to fit into prescribed categories, innovation and improvements in terms of plan design goes away.

Imagine what would have happened if in the 1980s government regulators defined five categories of cars. No other vehicles would be available to consumers. The political battles between groups advocating inclusion of their pet enhancement would be fun to watch. Muscle car enthusiasts would be pitted against gas mileage advocates. Proponents of big trunk space would duke it out against those pushing for smaller cars (the better to fit them into those “compact” parking spaces just coming into vogue. 

The battles would be fierce and there would be winners and losers. One thing for certain: the cars of today would look pretty much like those of the 1980s. And whether hybrids or other offerings unanticipated 20 years ago would have emerged is uncertain. Instead, choice would be determined by the political winds blowing through Sacramento at the time. The influence of the market would be secondary at best, and perhaps marginal.

Which makes no sense. The market is the collective decisions of millions of consumers. It’s the wisdom of crowds. Proponents of SB 1522 would replace that wisdom with the judgement of politicians and their appointees.

The problem of risk segmentation is serious. Unfortunately, SB 1522 does little to solve it. The segmentation will still exist, just within the confines of the five categories. Unless the regulators cram the tiers together into minor variations on a single theme, there’s going to be significant differences between the rates and benefits along the regulated continuum. Consumers will gravitate to the one that makes the most sense for their needs. Supporters of SB 1522 claim there will be substantial differences between the tiers, but if so, then the bill won’t solve the segmentation challenge.

SB 1522 is flawed, but it’s likely to pass (whether the Governor will sign it in its present form is unknown — at least by me). Its author, Senator Steinberg, is the President Pro Tem in Waiting.  That makes it extremely difficult for lawmakers to challenge his proposals. This is the pre-honeymoon stage of his ascension during which everyone makes nice. Voting no is not generally considered to be an effective way to make nice.

But perhaps some lawmakers will step forward and offer ways to improve the bill. For example, there’s no need to make the five categories defined by regulators exclusive. Carriers could be required to offer at least one plan in each category, but still remain free to offer coverage outside those tiers. This would allow easier comparison for some offerings while maintaining a market that delivers choice, diversity and innovation. It would also provide useful feedback to the regulators. If consumers consistently choose plans outside the defined tiers, they would know corrective action is required.

Can consumers be trusted to handle a diverse marketplace offering innovative choices? Will they always make the right choice? There’s no guarantees. Even if the government eliminates a great deal of the diversity in the marketplace, consumers may make the wrong decision.

But there’s already a resource available to those looking for the right health insurance plan: independent agents. Professional agents understand the language. They can explain the trade-offs between Plan A and Plan B. They can get to know the prospect and help them explore their choices. They can even help them through the application process and help with any problems arising after the sale.

Choice can be daunting, but it can also lead to innovation and help the system evolve as needs, expectations and desires change. Helping consumers find the plans that best fit their needs is something better left to shoppers and their agents than to a political process. Just ask anyone driving a Prius.

 

Making it Simpler: Reinventing Individual Health Insurance

KISS, as a business imperative, is cited so often it’s passed beyond cliché to become background noise. Keep It Simple Stupid, however, is more of an illusive ideal than a comfortable accomplishment for most businesses. The individual health insurance industry is no exception – yet it needs to be.

 

Consumers buying medical coverage for themselves and their families lack the support network larger enterprises have. They (hopefully) are working with an independent insurance agent who understands their needs and knows the way through the maze of getting coverage, fixing billing problems or getting claims paid. But there’s no human resources department in the living room or colleagues to call upon for help in the kitchen. Worse, for those without an agent, there’s often no one to call for help than the carrier itself.

 

This isn’t necessarily a bad thing. Many people working in carriers’ membership service departments are quite good – once you get past the dreaded phone system. (I just dealt with a customer service rep at the health plan for my small business who solved the problem in one phone call – and was nice about it to boot).

 

The thing is, however, if you need to call for help, then something isn’t working right. Getting health insurance shouldn’t be complicated. Neither should understanding bills or explanations of benefits (EOBs). And doctors and hospitals shouldn’t have to devote so much resources and time into their interactions with health plans.

 

If Google can make searching the web clean and simple, if Apple can make a cell phone/music player/ PDA elegant and straightforward, if Visa and Mastercard can present payment histories in a relatively easy to understand manner, if Southwest can make booking a flight a breeze, then certainly health plans could simplify their processes.

 

A place to start would be with the products themselves. Each carrier describes their benefits in their own terms. Surely there’s a best practice for this kind of thing, but every carrier has its own unique and often idiosyncratic method. The result: agents (and their clients) devote hours to creating their own apples-to-apples comparisons.

 

There are the conspiracy theorists out there who believe this is done to make it more difficult for consumers to understand what they’re buying. I believe their wrong: why assume bad intent when indifference or incompetence explains the situation? When it comes to presenting benefits I think it’s more a case of an inward orientation with a dash of pride of authorship thrown in.

 

Or take provider directories. Many have moved online, but again, there’s a best practice out there that would make finding your doctor even easier. Or claim forms. Every doctor I see (and at my age it’s more than one, now) complains about the paper work. There have been efforts to move claim submittals online, but the problems with the process are more than technical. There’s also a need to simply make the process simpler. There’s a place for uniqueness. Commodity material is rarely that place.

 

Instead, the focus needs to be on something somewhat foreign to most health plans: design. Design has become a hot business concept. Magazines like Fast Company, Inc., Fortune fawn over the concept and those who excel at it. Products like iPods and half the house wares at Target are held up as icons of a new business paradigm.

 

Yet design shouldn’t be the sole purview of gadget manufacturers or fashion designers. Processes can be well designed, too; so can forms. But good design will only come to the work flows and materials of health plans if it’s a priority of their leadership. And that takes some courage. It’s not easy to make being easy a corporate priority, especially when your industry is under fire.

 

Yet those attacks can be seen as a motivator for simplification, too. For example, individual health plans are going to have change the way they underwrite applications. Their ability to discover fraudulent applications is going to be extremely limited once lawmakers get done reforming the rescission process. With no back-up, the importance of underwriting at the front-end becomes even more critical than it already is.

 

This is a great opportunity to make enrollment applications simpler. Again, there are those who claim the applications are complicated to enable carriers to play “gotcha” with their members who later incur claims. They have no facts to back this up, but that hardly matters, especially when these critics get a lot of attention just for making the claim. Which means carriers are going to have to deal with this charge for quite awhile – or until something changes.

 

(What’s more likely to blame for complex applications is the same dynamic that haunts anything created by committee. When lawyers, underwriters, actuaries, and business managers sit down to create a form – especially one that needs to meet regulatory standards – that form is going to be bloated, complicated and annoying. No ulterior motive is required.)

 

Instead of spending time repeatedly repudiating the charge, however, health plans would be better served to move beyond it. The fact is, applications are more cumbersome and complicated than they should be. Carriers should work with their Departments of Insurance and an outside design consultant to come up with standardized and, even more importantly, simplified underwriting forms. The forms should focus on making it as easy as possible for consumers to provide enough information for the carriers to make their underwriting decisions.

 

And that should be the explicit goal: easy sufficiency. This, in turn, means using simple language in a clear, concise manner. It means laying out the questions in a manner that flows and avoids asking for the same information repeatedly. It’s a lot easier to describe than do (I know, I tried once), but if made a priority, it’s doable.

 

When lawmakers, prosecutors and others are lobbing grenades your way it might be counter-intuitive to use the situation to focus on design. In reality, simplifying the touch points where consumers, agents and medical providers interact with the carrier is an extremely visible way of demonstrating a commitment to change. As important, it’s a vehicle for getting in front of the change that is inevitable.

Executing the Basics: Reinventing Individual Health Insurance

The best strategy in the game, the most inspiring vision in the industry means nothing without execution. And if an organization isn’t executing the basic components of the business, implementing something fancy — culture change, a new business model — isn’t going to get very far.

Executing the basics is the least exciting critical component of any successful business. By definition, a successful business has proven itself. It’s an ongoing concern. Leaders like to lead and that usually involves moving in new, more exciting directions. Over time, attention to the nuts and bolts can wane. The basics become a source for savings. The attention moves from serving the customer to an internal focus on efficiency. After all, resources need to be freed up to fund those new initiatives.

In the context of individual health insurance, the basics include processing applications, issuing bills, paying claims, contracting with doctors, appointing agents, and answering the phone. Most carriers do an adequate job on these items most of the time. All carriers do a lousy job on some of these at some time. Those osciallations in performance are normal and to be expected. What’s unacceptable is that “adequate” is, well, acceptable. Carriers will talk about delivering first class customer service, being partners with their providers and producers, but few, if any, consistently succeed.

The problem, I believe, is two-fold: an inability to measure the return on investment of better service; and an unwillingness for competitors to cooperate.

Providing services, whether it’s underwriting applications, answering questions from insureds and their physicians, or paying commissions, costs money. These dollars can be measured, tallied and monitored. Given the need to keep coverage affordable, the appropriate goal for carriers is to provide these services as efficiently (meaning at the lowest cost) as possible.

These services also have benefits in the form of customer satisfaction, increased efficiencies at the partner level (less time spent in doctors offices tracking down an answer freeing up more time to work with patients), and a negative public image. The problem is that dollars are a lot easier to track than satisfaction or efficiency in someone else’s office. So when carriers do a cost benefit analysis on a new IVR system (IVRs are those automated “press 1″ or “say ‘billing’” phone routing systems) they can measure the savings in personnel costs, but they lack the tools to measure the increased frustration members feel when unable to make the artificial (un)intelligence get them to the right place.

Health plans aren’t the only industry with frustrating phone systems. Sprint, AT&T, Time Warner, DirecTV and Verizon are a few others with IVRs deserving of a shout-out — or shut down, depending on your point of view. But cable and phone utilities are not the standard to which carriers should hold themselves. Nor should the standard be Nordstrom or Starbucks. It should be what consumers define as good customer service, doctors define as good physician service, and producers define as good agent service.

Carriers need to examine their basic operations from the consumer point of view. They need to define customer expectations and then think about ways to deliver those services in a cost-effective way that meets those expectations.

This means shifting the focus from an internal point-of-view to one that looks at operations through the eyes of the consumer (or physician or agent). This isn’t hard: every officer in every health plan should be required to call their customer service departments on a monthly basis. They should get a monthly bill and call in with a question. They should receive an Explanation of Benefits (EOBs) and be asked how much and to whom they would cut a check if it was for real. They should call in to the pre-authorization phone line and follow-up on an application. In other words, they should walk in their customer shoes at least monthly. Then, on a quarterly basis, their staff meetings should focus on what they experienced.

There’s other techniques that work. For example, executives and managers should be required to plug in and listen to phone calls between their service reps and customers. Not occasionally, but in a regular, disciplined way.

Carriers also need to find ways to quantify something more than dollars. Perhaps bonuses should be impacted by customer satisfaction survey results or even public surveys. Or, perhaps they should ask someone. Fortunately for carriers, there’s too many economists in the world with too little to do. Certainly some of them have come up with mathematical formulas for measuring intangibles. Give them a call — they’re hungry for someone to talk to. Make your CFOs sit down with them and come up with a formula that works.

And then share the results. Which is the other part of the challenge. Most businesses tend to think that everything they do must be confidential and proprietary. The market is a jungle and every advantage needs to be exploited to survive. In this mindset, advantages are to be hoarded, not diluted by sharing.

The problem is that most customers don’t really care about a lot of these proprietary advantages. An example from a book I read, but now forget the title, describes the foolishness of the auto industry when lawmakers required them to incorporate catalytic converters into their cars. Each auto maker spent many millions of dollars to invent and implement their own design. Yet who has ever purchased a car because of its catalytic converter? The industry could have redirected most of those dollars to features that matter if they had come together and designed a standard converter they all could have used.

This concept of standardizing and sharing resources is much more acceptable in the software world where open source systems like Linux and MySQL are widely used. It’s foreign to most companies, including carriers. 

Yet the opportunity to standardize and share resources is huge in the industry. Applications for coverage, claim forms, EOBs, bills, commission statements aren’t competitive advantages — their Babel-like diversity is merely a source of frustration for users. Better yet, by standardizing them, entrepreneurs could develop tools to increase efficiency for the carriers and convenience for consumers.

Consider: most carriers currently accept online applications from large producers like eHealthinsurance. Yet, as large as eHealthinsurance’s production is, it represents a small percentage of carriers’ overall sales. Why create mechanisms that benefit just a few agencies? Instead, carriers should agree on standards for quoting and case submission systems that works for all health plans in all states. These standards should be freely distributed as open-source software. eHealthinsurance may compete in the market based on its quoting system, but carriers don’t. By creating a publishing low- or no-cost software carriers can more easily implement customer friendly services like automated underwriting, immediate issuance of membership cards and the like.

Standardization doesn’t mean customization isn’t allowed. There are several flavors of Linux commercially available. Similarly, entrepreneurs could take the open-source quoting/submittal software and package them, adding new interfaces and functionality. So long as carriers standardize around the basics, however, they should all save money, increase efficiency and improve customer satisfaction with the industry as a whole. They could then use the freed-up funds to better compete on what does matter to consumers: benefit design, cost of coverage, and the like.

Would this kind of cooperation be legal? It depends on how it’s approached. The standards negotiations can be outsourced to an independent third party. Or they can be convened under the auspices of regulators. In California, Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner has done something similar and has expressed an interest in helping carriers appropriately address common challenges. So yes, it can be done legally.

Attending to the basics is not exciting, but it can be impactful. Perhaps more importantly, invigorating innovations will fail unless they’re built on a strong foundation. So if the individual health insurance industry is going to reinvent itself, the nuts-and-bolts of the business is where it has to begin.

 

Reinventing Individual Coverage: Defining the Approach

In my previous post I suggested the current political environment provides more than sufficient inspiration for individual health insurance industry to reinvent itself. One of the challenges to actually implementing change is figuring out how to approach the problem. It’s often too easy to get caught up in the details without remembering the goal.

And the goal here is to deliver value to consumers who purchase their own health insurance coverage. This may seem obvious, but in too many cases, industry insiders and reformers at the barricades alike get so caught up in rules and regulations, processes and work flows, structure and platforms that they lose site of this simple truth: at the end of the day we either provide value to consumers … or else.

And it’s a truth that is agnostic as to whether the “we” is a private enterprise or a government agency. We either deliver or we go away.

So instead of structuring the gratuitous advice I intend to offer over the next several posts on specific items (dealing with rescissions, simplifying the application, etc.) I’m going to focus on a few general themes. Specifics may crop up as examples or to help amplify the themes, but it’s the overarching themes that provide a framework for change.

As of now, I’m inclined toward four major themes:

1. Executing the Basics
2. Making it Simpler
3. Sharing Technology
4. Earning Trust

Executing the Basics is all about the nuts-and-bolts of being a health insurer. Processing applications, issuing bills, paying claims, contracting with doctors, appointing agents, and answering the phone.

Making it Simpler recognizes that individuals are not businesses, even when they have the assistance and counsel of a qualified agent. Health insurance coverage is complicated enough. The process of getting and using it, however, shouldn’t be as complicated as it is. Nor should finding the plan that best fits a family’s need. Nor filing a claim. Nor … well, you get the idea.

Sharing Technology stresses that a carriers’ sales and member service technology shouldn’t drive consumers’ buying decision. A health plan’s benefit design, pricing, access to providers and the carriers’ customer service offerings should.  The industry could save millions of dollars by adopting standards that any and all technology providers can use for everything from accepting online applications, issuing online membership cards, processing claims, creating provider directories, etc.

Earning Trust may be the most important theme. After more than a year of every major office holder in the country calling the system broken, after endless legislative hearings, headlines and press conferences attacking the industry, consumer confidence in the industry is lower than its ever been. Worse, this only seems to inspire supposed industry insiders to pile on. The fact is there are problems in any enterprise, public or private. What’s needed is facing them honestly, not to score points.  Most of all, earning trust means raising the standards of behavior and meeting them.

These themes overlap with one another. What works in one area might well impact another. But they provide a general framework for discussing ways to reinvent individual health insurance. At least they are the themes I’ll be addressing over the next several days. Do you have others you think need to be considered? Are these off-target? Please let me know your thoughts by posting a comment.